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Israel's Genocide in Gaza - A Photoessay - Part 4

A Report by Amnesty International

The Jewish Military Operation "Cast Lead" in Gaza
The text in this photo essay is a summary, edited for brevity, of an Amnesty International Report on Operation "Cast Lead" inficted by the Jews on Gaza in 2009.

They photos attached to this article have been taken from various sources to better illustrate the savagery and mindless brutality inflicted by a savage and mindless people. They are graphic and sickening. They represent only a very small sample of our collection.

To read Amnesty International's Full Report on Israel's Operation "Cast Lead" (.pdf 1.2 Mb), and to see the devastation and death inflicted on innocent civilians: Click here.


  • January 15, 2009: A white phosphorus shell found in the United Nations compound headquarters in Gaza City. The Jewish military attempted to destroy all UN installations in Gaza, attacking offices, the UN school where 700 children were taking refuge, US hospitals and other facilities.
    "Fireballs were raining down on the school and everybody was scared and screaming." A child sheltering in the UNRWA school where white phosphorus artillery shelling killed two children on 17 January 2009.

    During Operation "Cast Lead", Gaza’s population of 1.5 million, most of them children, could neither leave Gaza – as the borders were sealed – nor find shelter where they could be guaranteed safety.

    There are no bomb shelters and none can be built, as cement and other construction materials are on the list of goods which Israel does not allow into Gaza.

    Although tens of thousands of people did leave their homes, most could not do so because they had nowhere to go.

    Others stayed to protect their property, fearing that if they left their homes empty they would soon be destroyed by Jewish soldiers and then destroyed by the army.

    A Palestinian man and his son attempt to salvage belongings from their home destroyed in a Jewish air attack in Gaza.
    In any case, the pattern of Israeli attacks led Palestinians to believe that no area of Gaza could be considered safe.

    On the first day of Operation "Cast Lead", mostly in the first hour of the offensive, Israeli forces bombed more than 240 targets all over Gaza, most of them in densely populated residential areas.

    This resulted in an unprecedented death toll for a single day.

    The bombardments began without warning at around 11.30am, a busy time, when the streets were full of civilians, including school children leaving school at the end of the morning shift and those going to school for the second shift.

    Some Palestinian families found themselves in particular danger when Israeli forces used them as "human shields".
    Many more were given warnings to leave their homes and faced a near impossible judgment about whether it would be safer to stay or go. The Israeli authorities claimed that they gave such warnings to Gazans to leave their homes in an effort to protect civilian lives, but the nature of these warnings is difficult to reconcile with such an intention.

    The situation was exacerbated by the inadequacy of the humanitarian assistance reaching Gazans as a result of the Jewish government's long-standing blockade of the Gaza Strip.


  • A teacher runs from the American School in Gaza after it was targeted by the Jewish military with white phosphor munitions. The school was destroyed and many children burned to death. The Jews attacked and destroyed more than 240 schools in Gaza in their 10-day "Cast Lead" pogrom.
    During Operation "Cast Lead" Jewish soldiers repeatedly took over Palestinian homes in Gaza, forcing families to stay in a ground-floor room while they used the rest of their house as a military base and sniper position.

    The Jews were effectively using the families, both adults and children, as "human shields" and putting them at risk.72

    While soldiers wore protective body armour and helmets and shielded themselves behind sandbags as they fired from the houses, the Palestinian inhabitants of the houses had no such protection.

    "I live in this house with my wife, my three married sons and their wives and 11 children and my four unmarried sons.

    My two nephews, their wives and 15 children were also staying with us. We were some 45 people in all.
    In the night between 3 and 4 January we heard noises up on the roof terrace and we concluded that the soldiers must have descended from a helicopter because the gate and the front door were locked and no one could have entered the house from anywhere else. We heard them banging up on the roof terrace but nobody could dare to go upstairs to see what was happening. We all stayed on the ground floor. At about 6.30am there was banging at the front door and lots of soldiers came in.

    They grabbed me by the scruff of the neck and asked about Qassams and I said we did not have any such things. They tied and blindfolded all of us – men and boys – and put us all in one room in the ground floor, together with the women and children. I asked them to let me get my dentures from my room but they did not let me. After the end of the war I found them on them on the floor, broken, like so many other things.

    Palestinian firefighters attempt to wash the blood off the streets after a Jewish military air attack on a downtown Gaza area.
    We were kept there for a day and a half. We only had a little bit of food for the children but not enough. Also we did not have water.

    On the second day (5 January) my cousin Mousa and his wife and baby girl came to knock at the door after they escaped from the house of my relative Wa’el across the road, which had been shelled and many relatives had been killed.

    The soldiers took him too and tied him and blindfolded him and put him and his wife and baby in the same room with us.

    Mousa told us that Wa’el’s house had been shelled and many relatives had been killed and injured.
    The women and children screamed and cried and the soldiers came and asked what we wanted and we begged them to let us leave.

    In the end the army said we could leave except for Mousa and my nephew ‘Imad and they said that if the Qassam fighters found out that there were soldiers in the house and attacked them they would kill Mousa and ‘Imad. The soldiers said we had to walk and not stop.

    My nephew Iyad was walking ahead of me and I saw him fall and I thought he had tripped but then I saw he had been shot in the left leg. I stopped to help but Israeli soldiers in the Jouha family house shouted to continue walking or they would shoot again so we had to keep walking.

    A Palestinian child walks through the rubble of what used to be his home. The Jewish military totally destroyed many residential sections of Gaza in their "Cast Lead" Operation.
    Iyad crawled for a bit and then collapsed. His wife and his five children saw him being shot and then crawl and collapse but they and us could not help him because the soldier did not allow anyone to stop.

    Further on the main Salahaddin Road we found an ambulance but they could not go to the place where Iyad had collapsed and so he was left to die where he had collapsed.

    The ambulance took Mousa’s wife and baby girl, who was injured in her hand, to the hospital."

    "At about 10.30am on 5 January a group of soldiers entered our home, and locked all of us in the basement while they went upstairs.

    They took our mobile phone and did not allow us to move. They took all the blankets and mattresses. We had no food and no water.

    The children were scared, cold, hungry and thirsty but we had nothing. We were kept like that for two days. We heard the soldiers laughing and shooting upstairs. We were scared.

    After a day the younger children were desperate for water and I took the bit of water which remained in the cistern of the toilet to give to them; there was no other alternative. After two days, on the morning of 7 January, the soldiers threw us out of the house. I asked to go upstairs to fetch some clothes and shoes but they did not allow us. We had to leave barefoot and with only what we were wearing when the soldiers first came into the house two days earlier." The house was later destroyed (see Chapter 3.1).

    According to testimonies, in several cases Jewish soldiers forced unarmed Palestinian civilian males (mostly adults but in two cases also children) to serve as "human shields", including making them walk in front of armed soldiers; go into buildings to check for booby traps or gunmen; and inspect suspicious objects for explosives.

    These practices are not new; Numerous such cases have been documented in recent years. The Jewish Supreme Court has ruled that such practices contradict international lawm and prohibited them, but the military can apparently disobey at will.73

    A Palestinian mother walks with her child near the devastation of a residential district in Gaza, following a Jewish military air strike.
    "At about 10am on Monday 5 January soldiers came to my house and took me with them to a neighbour’s house where they were also keeping other neighbours.

    The soldiers were shooting from the house but I don’t know at what because I could not see.

    At about 2pm a soldier took me outside, pointed to Abu Hatem’s house and told me to go into that house to take the weapons and the clothes of the armed men who were in that house, whom they had killed.

    I refused but they told me to obey. I went into the house, and found three armed Qassam members alive.

    They told me to leave and not to come back and threatened to shoot me if I went back.
    I returned to the soldiers, who made me undress and turn around, and I then told them that the three were alive. They handcuffed me; they were shooting. Later they again sent me to check on the armed militants inside the house. I found one wounded and the others alright, who said: ‘Tell the officer that if he is a man, he can come up here himself.’

    I went back and told the soldiers and they cursed me and handcuffed me. I heard a helicopter approaching, followed by the sound of a missile exploding. The soldiers said that now they were sure they had killed the armed men in the house with the missile. But when I looked I saw that the missile had struck my house and not the house with the gunmen inside. I told the soldiers.

    At about midnight, between Monday and Tuesday, I was forced to go for a third time, to check if the gunmen were dead. I found two of the gunmen still alive, but buried under the rubble; the third was still holding his weapon. I told the soldier, who got angrier and didn’t believe me and sent two teenagers, Jamal Qatari and Zidane, to take photos. The two refused but the soldiers beat them and so they went and took photos and then the soldiers sent in a dog.

    A Palestinian mother in the street with her small child. In the background lie the remains of a large residential area in Gaza that was destroyed in a targeted attack by the Jewish military.
    Akram Abed Rabbo, a father of six, also told AI that he had been taken from his home in the early morning (about 2-3am) on 6 January by Jewish soldiers who also used him as a "human shield" and forced him to inspect several houses in the area over a three-day period.

    He said: "The soldiers sent me into the houses first and then they sent in the dog and only after that they went into the houses themselves.

    I didn’t find anything in the houses I inspected, but I was afraid. Also, in the meantime I had no idea where my wife, who is pregnant, and my children were."

    Mohammed al-Najjar, 16, told AI that on 13 January he was held by Israeli soldiers in a house they used as a sniper position: "The soldiers, special forces, took me to the house.

    I was handcuffed and blindfolded but they untied me when they let me go to the toilet so I could see a bit then. They didn’t interrogate me.
    They just sat around on a mattress and chatted and laughed and also sang a bit. I didn’t understand what they said because they spoke in Hebrew, but one of them spoke to me in Arabic and told me to sing with them; I refused at first but then I had to obey. Then they shot a couple of shots and I heard women nearby screaming and crying. Later I knew that this is when they killed our neighbour Rawhiya.74 I was afraid but nothing else happened; there was no other shooting. Later, before they left the house they told me to stay in the house for a while and that when I heard a shot being fired I could leave. I did as they said; I waited a bit and then took off the blindfold and left the house.75


  • Residents survey the remains of a large residential area of Gaza that was destroyed by a targeted Jewish air strike.
    During Operation "Cast Lead" the Israeli army made random calls to landlines and mobile telephones with recorded messages warning or threatening "the people of Gaza" to leave their homes or the areas where Hamas militants operated.76

    The random messages were received by people all over Gaza, causing panic as they could neither leave Gaza – the borders were sealed – nor find a place in Gaza where safety was guaranteed.

    In a BBC interview, Israel’s Interior Minister, Meir Sheetrit, stated that: "the army called 250,000 telephone calls to the people to leave their houses".78

    There are barely 250,000 households in Gaza. If indeed the Israeli army called that many families to tell them to leave their homes, this would mean that virtually every family was told to do so.

  • Long before Operation "Cast Lead", the population of Gaza had been suffering the debilitating effects of a blockade imposed by the Jewish government since Hamas ousted Fatah and gained control of Gaza in June 2007. Since then, ostensibly aimed at preventing arms smuggling, the blockade includes a vast range of goods and products that would have no possible military use.

    A group of Palestinian women climb the ruins of a destroyed community building in Gaza.
    The scope of the blockade and statements made by Israeli officials about its purpose have led AI to conclude that it is being imposed as a form of collective punishment of the entire population of Gaza, a flagrant violation of Israel’s obligations under the Fourth Geneva Convention.

    In addition to violating the right to freedom of movement, Israel’s blockade has also resulted in denial of the right to an adequate standard of living, including adequate food and housing, the right to work, and the right to health (see Chapter 5).

    With only a few exceptions, the entire population of 1.5 million people has been trapped in Gaza. Students are unable to attend university studies and jobs abroad.

    Critically ill patients in need of medical care that is unavailable in local hospitals are often prevented from leaving Gaza.
    Since the blockade was imposed, dozens of patients have died due to lack of access to treatment.81

    For over one year (from 18 January 2008), Israel barred all exports leaving Gaza. Such drastic restrictions devastated the economy, making 80 per cent of the population dependent on food aid. Despite this, Israel increasingly choked to a trickle the entry of humanitarian assistance, including food. In November 2008, the daily average truckload of supplies entering Gaza was 23, less than one 20th of the daily average in May 2007.82

    All this meant that the 22 days of intense bombardment trapped tens of thousands of families in their homes with no supply of food, water or fuel. Most of those compelled to flee their homes, crowded into the homes of family or friends. Others made their way to emergency shelters such as UNRWA schools. Wherever they went, however, they were not safe as homes, schools, clinics and UNRWA facilities came under attack. The effects of the blockade, compounded by the bombing, meant that everyone suffered a lack of basic necessities.

    The Jews not only failed to adequately supply the population of Gaza, it also deliberately blocked and otherwise impeded emergency relief and humanitarian assistance, launching several attacks on vehicles carrying humanitarian assistance. On 8 January 2009, for example, a UN aid convoy was attacked in the north of Gaza, killing one UN employee and injuring two others. The UN said it had coordinated the convoy’s movements in advance with Jewish officials. In addition, the attacks on convoys and aid distribution centres, on paramedics and ambulances, resulted in UNRWA and the ICRC strictly limiting their operations in Gaza during the fighting.

    This photo is typical of the devastation leveled at residential districts in Gaza, by the Jewish government's Operation "Cast Lead". It was all wanton destruction of the fabric of a civilisation.
    Delivery of food and humanitarian goods remains subject to arbitrary restrictions. In March 2009, food items such as canned tuna, biscuits and tomato paste were blocked by Israeli authorities who declared that these items were not humanitarian.85

    Israel continues to bar entry of supplies necessary for reconstruction, including materials for construction, pipes and other spare parts for water works and other essential infrastructure.

    The destruction of industrial and commercial property and agricultural land during Operation "Cast Lead" devastated much of what was left of Gaza’s economy (see Chapter 3).

    According to OCHA, in February 2009 only 258 private sector establishments, employing 1,878 workers, were partially functioning.
    This is around 90 per cent less than the 2,400 active businesses, employing over 65,000 people, recorded in 2006.86

    Israel denies farmers access to their land if it is within 500m of the Gaza-Israel border, and bans fishing further than three nautical miles from the shore.

    The destruction and the continuing restrictions have put the livelihoods of 14,000 farmers, herders and fishermen at risk of collapse.87


  • A Palestinian woman carries her only surviving child while crying over the body of her 4-year-old daughter. Her four other children were killed as well, during a Jewish air raid on their home in Gaza.
    "The level of human suffering and destruction I saw today is, from any angle, heartbreaking.

    It is shocking that civilians suffered so disproportionately in this military operation"; UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes, 22 January 2009.

    More than 3,000 homes and hundreds of other properties, including factories, workshops, animal farms and orchards, as well as government buildings, police stations and prisons, were destroyed and more than 20,000 were damaged during Operation "Cast Lead".88

    The Israeli authorities’ explanation for such devastation was "military/security necessity".

    Jewish government and army spokespeople have insisted that only Hamas command facilities, weapons stores, combat positions, and houses which contained tunnels or were boobytrapped were targeted, and that damage to civilian infrastructure was incidental or resulted from Hamas using the civilian population as a "human shield".

    In reality, incidental damage accounts for only some of the overall devastation. Much of the destruction was wanton and resulted from deliberate and unnecessary demolition of civilian property, direct attacks on civilian objects and indiscriminate attacks that failed to distinguish between legitimate military targets and civilian objects.

    The extensive devastation of civilian homes and property cannot be dismissed as "collateral damage".

    The patterns and scale of the attacks, statements by Israeli officials before and during the three-week military offensive, and graffiti left by Israeli soldiers on the walls of Palestinian homes which they took over during their incursion into Gaza, indicates that the wholesale destruction was to a large extent deliberate and an integral part of a strategy at different levels of the command chain, from high-ranking officials to soldiers in the field.90

    On 1 February, 12 days after Israel’s and Hamas’ respective ceasefire declarations, then Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert threatened further "disproportionate" retaliation.


  • A Palestinian firefighter ries to cope with the cloud of poisonous gas released during a white phosphor attack on a government compound in Gaza.
    Amir Marmor, a gunner in a tank crew of a reserve armoured battalion that operated in Jabalia, said:

    "The operation was marketed to us and the entire nation as a measured retaliation to the Hamas attacks, but to me it was like a punishment exercise. That was what it seemed like from the enormous extent of the destruction.

    We were there for a week and despite the fact that no-one fired on us, the firing and demolitions continued incessantly.

    I am very doubtful how many of the demolitions can be justified.

    We were told to expect incoming fire from various directions.
    Our first reaction was to blow up or bulldoze houses in a given direction so as to give us better lines of fire. But then no fire came from that direction, or any other.

    On another occasion we were told that an attack was expected and an artillery barrage was fired, but we didn’t see anyone moving there."92

    For the vast majority of homes destroyed, more than 3,000, and damaged, some 20,000, during Operation "Cast Lead", the Jewish military has provided no evidence to substantiate its allegations that the houses were used as combat positions, as military command centres or to manufacture or store weapons – or for any other purpose.

    Members of the Palestinian Civil Defense Service work on the rubble of destroyed houses in Gaza City. The Jews typically targeted the homes of Palestine's leaders.
    The most sweeping destruction of entire neighbourhoods took place in the north and east of Gaza, in the areas which are nearest to Israel and consequently most often invaded by Israeli forces whenever they enter Gaza.

    Indeed, many of the houses destroyed during Operation "Cast Lead" had been raided or temporarily taken over by Israeli soldiers during incursions in recent years.

    It is unlikely that Hamas or other Palestinian groups would have located their command centres, rocket manufacturing workshops or weapons stores in the areas most accessible and most easily overrun by Israeli troops.

    AI delegates and hundreds of foreign reporters who poured into Gaza in the wake of the ceasefire could wander freely through the affected neighbourhoods and inspect the destroyed properties.
    Some buildings were too extensively destroyed to allow for any meaningful inspection and AI researchers did not attempt to inspect all or even most of the destroyed houses. However, in those that they did inspect they found no remains of weapons or other evidence that weapons or explosives had been stored there and did not observe conflagrations that would have likely resulted if an explosives cache had been struck.

    In many cases, the pattern of destruction suggested that the aim was to cause sufficient damage to put the properties out of use rather than to destroy arms caches, as the kind of damage inflicted would have neither destroyed weapons or rockets – if any had been there – nor impeded their retrieval. What is more, the bodies recovered from under the rubble of these houses were of civilians – not armed fighters.

    Many of the houses, factories and farms were bulldozed and many of the houses were destroyed with Israeli anti-tank mines, as evident from the remains of the mines that littered the destroyed neighbourhoods, and from the pattern of destruction resulting from this method. Although designed to be used against tanks, these mines can also be set off remotely. Israeli forces have often used them to destroy Palestinian houses in the West Bank and at times also in Gaza.

    January 1: Palestinian residents survey the scene of a Jewish air strike on the home of a senior government official. He was killed, along with his 4 wives and his children.
    The fact that the soldiers used this method – which required them to leave their tanks, walk between buildings and enter houses in order to place the explosive charges inside the houses along the supporting walls – indicates that they felt extremely confident that there were no Palestinian gunmen inside or around the houses.

    It also indicates their confidence that there were no tunnels under the houses which gunmen could use to capture them, and that the houses were not booby-trapped.

    Had the soldiers believed that they were in danger of being shot, blown up or captured, they would not have ventured out of their tanks to place the mines inside the houses.

    "Twenty-two people lived in this house. Me and my wife and our two youngest children in one apartment, and my four married sons and their families each had their apartments in the house.
    When the Jewish ground forces invaded on 3 January the situation became very dangerous in the area and most people fled. All my children went to stay with relatives nearby but I refused to leave my home. All my life’s hard work is in this house and I would not abandon it.

    "The day after (4 January) my son and his wife and three children came back; they didn’t want to leave me in the house alone with army all around the area. That evening the soldiers told us to get out; they said the house would be safe. We went to stay with the neighbours’ next door.

    "The following morning at about 9am they started to blow up our house. There was nothing we could do. Then the soldiers told us and all the people of the neighbourhood to leave. Hundreds of us set off walking south-east; the soldiers were shooting all around us and one bullet hit my granddaughter, Nada, who was five years old. It hit her in the head and killed her."

    A Jewish soldier sits beside a mortar launcher just outside Southern Gaza, preparing for another attack on Palestinian homes in Gaza.
    Many of the destroyed homes were in the more upmarket suburbs in eastern and northern Gaza, away from the overcrowded inner cities and refugee camps, in neighbourhoods made up of larger, individual houses with gardens and orchards belonging to members of the extended families after whom the neighbourhoods are named.

    The residents are mostly farmers, professionals or employees of the Ramallah-based PA government.

    Many are supporters of Fatah, Hamas’ main rival. Many of the houses were built in the second half of the 1990s, during the years of the Israeli-Palestinian "peace process", following the Oslo Accords.

    Families who had put their entire life savings into building their homes lost everything.
    Yousef Abu ‘Ida and his wife Leila worked as teachers in the UAE for 28 years and returned to Gaza in the mid-1990s and used their savings to build a large five-storey house where they lived with their five daughters and four sons, aged between four and 22 years. During Operation "Cast Lead" Israeli soldiers forcibly took over their house and held the family as "human shields" for two days while they used the house as a military position; they then forced the family out and later destroyed the house (see his testimony in Chapter 2.1)

    "On 4 January, the day after the beginning of the Israeli ground invasion, we were in the house, the whole family, me and my wife and the children; we were hearing bombardments and shelling in the area, I don’t know how near… The following morning an army bulldozer uprooted our garden and orchard around the house, where we had tomatoes and citrus fruit trees. I spoke to the soldiers in English, telling them we were a civilian family. At about 10.30am a group of soldiers entered our home, and locked all of us in the basement and they went upstairs.

    A Jewish soldier stands on a Merkava tank at a military staging area on the Gaza border. The Palestinians have no weapons, and no defense, against tanks, aircraft, bombs, artillery or mortars.
    After two days, on the morning of 7 January, the soldiers threw us out of the house.

    We went to stay with relatives in Jabalia and kept worrying about what damage the soldiers might have done to our home, but we never thought they would destroy it.

    When the ceasefire was declared and we could go back we found a pile of rubble instead of our home. It was a beautiful home.

    All the years of our hard work went into building our beautiful home. Each of the children had their room, with a private bathroom; each had a computer and a TV.

    We had beautiful furniture; it was our palace; the most beautiful home in Gaza.

    Now we have nothing.
    we have lost everything and are reduced to picking some of our clothes from the rubble; everything is smashed up; photographs and many irreplaceable things are destroyed.

    We have three dogs; we found them by the rubble, to greet us when we came back, everything else is lost. We came back to Gaza after the Oslo Accords, and made a beautiful home, because we believe in peace. How could they do this to us? We have never hurt anyone."

    Several other houses belonging to members of the Abu ‘Ida family, as well as a large cement factory, a chicken farm and other business premises, were likewise destroyed, leaving scores of people homeless and destitute. Among them were Yousef Abu ‘Ida’s sister Souad, and her husband and six children, who lived next door and who were expelled from their home at the same time, on 7 January.

    One house belonging to other family members, located in the nearby Abed Rabbo neighbourhood, was also taken over by soldiers from the Golani Brigade and used as a military position. It was not destroyed but was trashed and damaged. Graffiti scribbled on the walls by the soldiers read: "Death to the Arabs" and "We will be back".

    A Palestinian man recovers a few items from his Gaza home, destroyed in a targeted attack by Jewish forces.
    Residents told AI that on the morning of 13 January Jewish soldiers approached their houses with armoured bulldozers and called on them to leave and began to destroy houses with their residents still inside.

    Eight bulldozers came in before dawn and worked methodically destroying the houses; it took them seven hours to finish the job, razing the homes and orchards. Some families were still in their houses.

    In addition to the damage incidental to the fighting,94 Israeli soldiers – for no apparent reason – sometimes destroyed and frequently vandalized the houses they took over.

    They defaced the walls with racist and threatening graffiti, deliberately smashed and soiled furniture and possessions, and often left excrement all over the houses when they left.
    In the same houses AI researchers found evidence of the soldiers’ stay in the houses, such as spent ammunition, food rations, army medical kits and other supplies, the army magazine Bamachaneh and Hebrew prayer leaflets.

    Soldiers’ graffiti included: "Death to the Arabs, we came to annihilate you"; "Die all of you, Arabs have 2 die, 1 down 999,999 to go"; "Next time it will hurt more"; "All of Gaza is a Jewish playfield"; "Kahane was right"; and "If we missed a corner of the house we’ll get back to you in the next operation" (in a vandalized house).95

    "‘With us there was an order one day that we had to clean out the whole house, all the equipment and furniture. So we just threw it all out of the window to make room and tidy up. The whole house came flying through the window – fridge, plates… The order was to take out all the content of the house; the fridge and all the furniture.’ (Aviv)… Why? ‘A combination of reasons, I think. From the operational point of view it makes it more comfortable in the house, it was getting crowded. Not at first when we moved in, but after a few days in terms of hygiene, apart from anything else. It was all messy and filthy like living in a garbage dump.’ (Zvi)"96


  • A number of public buildings were bombarded by Israeli forces in the first days of Operation "Cast Lead". They included the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), or parliament, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Labour, Housing and Construction, Finance and Justice, Gaza Central Prison, virtually all the police stations throughout the Gaza Strip and Hamas-affiliated TV stations and newspapers (there is no evidence that the Hamas-affiliated media was used to broadcast or publish orders relating to the conduct of hostilities).

    Another view of the United Nations School that was deliberately targeted and destroyed. The Jewish military destroyed more than 240 schools in Gaza during their 10-day "Cast Lead" operation.
    The justification for them being targeted was provided by Major Avital Leibovitch, an Jewish army spokeswoman, who stated that "Anything affiliated with Hamas is a legitimate target".97

    A senior intelligence officer told the New York Times that the army attacked "both aspects of Hamas - its resistance or military wing and its dawa, or social wing," arguing that Hamas was all of a piece and in a war, its instruments of political and social control were as legitimate a target as its rocket caches.98

    This doctrine is not new. Since 2000, Israeli forces have repeatedly bombarded public infrastructure and official PA buildings both in Gaza and in the West Bank, including the presidential compounds, ministries, prisons, police stations, and Gaza’s airport and power station.

    However, many public buildings attacked by Israeli forces housed neither fighters nor weapons and did not serve as command and control centres. There is no evidence they served any military purpose and hence cannot be considered military objectives. Their bombardment constituted direct attacks on civilian objects, a serious violation of international humanitarian law and a war crime.


  • An indication of the scale of the destruction of Gaza’s industry and business and its financial implications is the amount of aid – US$4,481 million – pledged by international donors for the Early Recovery and Reconstruction Plan for Gaza at the International Conference in Support of the Palestinian Economy for the Reconstruction of Gaza, held in March 2009.99

    Between 600 and 700 factories, workshops and businesses were destroyed or damaged, according to the Palestinian Union of Businesses and the Palestinian Federation of Industries. Given the already dire economic situation in Gaza, the impact on residents is particularly severe and will seal the fate of many businesses. Many simply will not survive. Moreover, reconstruction and repair is being hampered by the shortages of most goods and materials, shortages that have plagued Gaza for almost two years.

    An old woman sits in the street, with a small plastic bag containing her only remaining possessions after the Jewish military destroyed the entire residential complex where she lived, in a devastating air attack. The Jewish military later claimed the bombardment was an "accident".
    Five months after the end of the conflict, thousands of families are still waiting for glass to repair windows shattered by the bombardments. Israel does not allow glass panes, like most building and other material, into Gaza.

    A cement company supplied some 35-40 per cent of all the concrete used in Gaza up to 2007, when Israel stopped allowing cement and other construction material into Gaza.

    The cement plant, and all its machinery and vehicles were destroyed during Operation "Cast Lead"

    Scores of factories, workshops and packing houses located in the industrial area were all destroyed.

    Among them was the largest and oldest food factory in Gaza, established in 1962, which belongs to the al-Wadiya family.102

    It employed 270 people and produced ice cream, biscuits and sweets. It was the only large factory which had managed to continue producing in spite of the blockade and was the exclusive distributor of the giant Israeli food company Tnuva in Gaza. Dozens of vehicles were also destroyed.

    After Israeli forces left on 18 January, the area looked as if it had been wrecked by an earthquake, except that it was littered with Israeli anti-tank mines (many of these had failed to explode and were collected by the police) and cartridges of Israeli 120mm tank shells. The distinct track marks of tanks and armoured vehicles could be seen everywhere.

    The Bader flour mill in the north-west of Gaza, established in 1920, was likewise targeted and much of the machinery was damaged beyond repair in an attack on 10 January. The mill had continued to function daily up to the day of the attack, and its owners are adamant that the site was neither a launch pad for rockets nor a weapons cache, and the Israeli army has provided no evidence to the contrary.

    The remains of a Gaza food warehouse and processing plant. It was clear the Jews had precisely targeted not only buildings but food processing machinery, which, along with devastating crops and livestock, was intended to bring the Palestinians to the brink of starvation.
    As well as houses and factories, animal pens and greenhouses were smashed and cultivated orchards were churned up by bulldozers.

    Not only were the farms destroyed but the animals were also killed. In ‘Izbet Abed Rabbo and other areas in the east of Gaza the fields surrounding the crushed animal pens were littered with dead cows, goats and sheep, some crushed by bulldozers, others killed as they ran away.

    In the al-Sammouni area of the al-Zaytoun district, a large chicken farm was likewise flattened and 65,000 chickens were crushed to death or buried alive.

    The tracks of tanks and armoured bulldozers were clearly visible where the vehicles had driven over the cages and coops, crushing thousands of chickens.

    The farm used to supply 30,000 eggs weekly to the aid NGO Oxfam for its food distribution programme.
    Gaza’s largest private fish farm, located in western Gaza, far from the Israeli fence in the east, was also destroyed. The six artificial ponds were smashed, killing some 20,000 fish.

    At the site there was no trace of weapons storage or tunnels, nor any signs that gun battles had taken place in the large expanse of open ground that would have offered no cover for gunmen.


  • Jewish troops constantly patrol the Gaza border and shoot any any farmers who dare to approach their land. Many have been wounded and killed.
    All that was visible were the tracks of armoured vehicles that had driven up and down the farm.

    The trail of destruction caused by Israeli forces during Operation "Cast Lead" in Gaza dealt yet another blow to the Palestinian agricultural sector.

    With the worsening economic situation and increased poverty and shortages, more and more people had come to rely on agriculture for survival.

    The destruction of vast areas (by Gaza’s standards) of cultivated land, such as farms and orchards, has caused a devastating amount of this year’s harvest to be lost and left even more people food insecure.

    According to OCHA, the estimated losses to the agriculture sector caused by Operation "Cast Lead" total US$268 million.103
    According to the UN World Food Programme (WFP) and the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), between 35 and 60 per cent of the agriculture sector was wrecked, with almost all the 13,000 families who depend directly on farming, herding and fishing suffering significant damage to their livelihoods.104

    Jewish military tanks often enter Palestinian farmland en masse, and destroy crops, buildings, greenhouses and more. Often, sections of farmland are left devastated and useless after these senseless attacks.
    Large tracts of Gaza’s most productive land, which until a few years ago produced muchneeded food for the tiny territory’s growing population, have been turned into condemned wastelands.

    This, combined with the dramatic reduction in food imports allowed into Gaza due to the Israeli blockade, has resulted in growing food insecurity for the population.

    Since the withdrawal of Jewish soldiers, several Palestinian farmers, usually accompanied by international peace activists, have been shot and injured by Israeli forces when going to cultivate their land in eastern Gaza.

    Israeli forces claim that they only target Palestinian militants who are attempting to sneak through the fence into Israel.
    Alternatively, they are accused of digging tunnels or placing explosive devices aimed at Israeli forces operating in the areas.

    However, in reality, in recent years, many unarmed Palestinian civilians have been shot and killed just for being there, including children who wandered into the areas unaware of the danger. In some areas farmers have not been able to reach their land in safety up to a kilometre from the fence.

    A photo of Gaza farmland and greehouses left in total ruin after an incursion by Jewish military tanks.
    In reality, the large-scale destruction of properties in these circumstances has often been carried out as a form of collective punishment in retaliation for Palestinian attacks or to deter future attacks.

    Collective punishment is inherently unlawful, and the Jews' use of mass destruction of homes and property as a deterrent also violates international humanitarian law.

    It is disproportionate, excessive, and not justified by reasons of imperative military necessity. It is also cruel and inhuman.

    The rationale that it is legitimate to destroy any building or orchard from or near which an attack may have been launched in the past or may be launched in the future, is absurd.
    That would mean putting virtually every building and every open space in Gaza on the list of targets for destruction – as rockets could be launched from anywhere in Gaza and reach Israeli territory.

    Such a broad definition of "military/security necessity" not only undermines the Fourth Geneva Convention’s prohibition on destruction of property by the occupying power, but also effectively negates the principle of distinction, a cornerstone of the laws of war.

    A photo of a Gaza wheatfield where Jewish soldiers fired incendiary munitions that burned the crops and chemically contaminated the soil so it will no longer produce.
    It blurs the distinction between military objectives and civilian objects, potentially rendering the protection afforded to civilian objects virtually meaningless (see Chapter 5).

    Overly broad interpretations of what constitutes a military objective or military advantage are often used to justify attacks aimed at harming the economy of a state or demoralizing the civilian population.

    Such interpretations undermine civilian immunity. A legitimate military advantage cannot be one that is merely "a potential or indeterminate advantage".

    If weakening the enemy population’s resolve to fight were considered a legitimate objective of armed forces, there would be no limit to war.

    Dead animals on a Palestinian farm, slaughtered by Jewish soldiers on one of their incursions into Gaza. This kind of event occurs with sickening frequency, one of a long series of events to destroy Gaza's food sufficiency and drive the Palestinians from their land.
    According to Article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, "extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly" is a grave breach of the Convention, and hence, a war crime. Direct attacks on civilian objects are war crimes.

    "The logic of those who demand that we stop our resistance is absurd. They absolve the aggressor and occupier – armed with the deadliest weapons of death and destruction – of responsibility, while blaming the victim, prisoner and occupied. Our modest, home-made rockets are our cry of protest to the world."121

    A PFLP spokesperson said on 17 January 2009: "The rockets are both a practical and a symbolic representation of our resistance to the occupier.
    They are a constant reminder that the occupier is in fact an occupier, and that no matter how they may engage in sieges, massacres, fence us in, deny us the basic human needs of life, we will continue to resist and we will continue to hold fast to our fundamental rights, and we will not allow them to be destroyed. So long as one rocket is launched at the occupier, our people, our resistance and our cause is alive.

    The groups have argued that they have no other weapons, nor any way of obtaining precision weapons like those used by the Israeli army. They also say that they are acting in response to Israeli attacks which have killed more than 1,000 Palestinians for each Israeli killed by rockets.

  • Addendum

  • Gaza chickencoops that were destroyed by Jewish military tanks. The Jews killed over 1 million farm birds this way, devastating Gaza's economy and food supply.
    Jewish military bulldozers have repeatedly demolished Palestinian farmhouses and destroyed farmlands in the northern sector of the Gaza Strip after Israeli tanks first opened fire on the residents.

    In the early hours of Tuesday, a number of Israeli army bulldozers uprooted trees and then leveled homes after tanks opened fire on the periphery of the Beit Hanoun (Eretz) crossing and near the northern border of the Gaza strip, the International Middle East Media Center reported on Wednesday.

    Witnesses added that Israeli army helicopters provided the tanks and bulldozers with air support.

    According to the UN and World Health Organization, 60 percent of the Gaza's agricultural industry was deliberately targeted and destroyed by Jewish forces. As well, Gaza’s sole agricultural college, in Beit Hanoun, was also destroyed.
    More than 35,000 cattle, sheep and goats were killed during the last Israeli attacks, as well as 1 million birds and chickens, according to a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) September 2009 report. You can read this report here: United Nations Environmental Assessment of the Gaza Strip Following the Jewish Operation "Cast Lead".

    Another photo of a Gaza farm where the crops have been totally obliterated by a deliberate attack with Jewish military tanks. This is one of many such events. The UN states that 60% of Gaza's farmland and agricultural production have been destroyed by the Jews.
    One Palestinian farmer stated in a UN interview: “The Jews bulldozed my citrus trees, water pump, well and irrigation piping in the last war.

    No one can come here to move the rubble of my well - everyone is afraid of the Israeli soldiers at the border. So now we are just waiting for the winter rains.

    The tragedy is even greater than this. Jewish soldiers have repeatedly fired incendiary devices over a large area of Palestinian farmland, which resulted in entire crops being burned and the soil chemically contaminated.

    Oxfam notes that the combination of the Israeli war on Gaza and the buffer zone renders around 50 percent of agricultural land useless or unreachable.
    The reason farmland is unreachable is that the Jewish military have cleared all trees, buildings and obstructions for many kilometers inside the Gaza border. Jewish miltary tanks and other vehicles then constantly patrol the roads immediately outside the border, and shoot at anything that moves within that enormous farmland area.

    The UN reports that Jewish soldiers aim and repeatedly fire upon visibly unarmed Palestinian farmers and their international (UN or other) accompaniment.
  • The Series: Genocide in Gaza

    The Jewish Holocaust Against Palestine
  • This is a set of 5 articles, dealing with the tragedy in Palestine today. It is an attempt, hopefully not in vain, to bring these events to the attention of more of the world. The inhumanity of the Jews' brutality and savage treatement of the Palestinians must be brought to consciousness in all countries, until the groundswell of public opinion cannot be ignored.

    It is not enough to put pressure on the Jews to cease their insane pogrom. Those who have perpetrated these atrocities must be brought to justice.

    The first article is an introduction to the situation and some photo and other documentation of the Jewish atrocities being committed. The second is a photo-essay based on a United Nations Human Rights Report on the Jewish Operation Cast Lead, and a catalog of the atrocities committed by the Jews.

    The final three articles are a photo-essay based on the a report by Amnesty International on the Jewish Operation Cast Lead, and a long listing of the atrocities committed by the Jews. Corresponding photos are introduced from a variety of sources to help document the savagery outlined in the text.

  • You may care to read these in order:

  • Israel's Genocide in Gaza - A Photoessay: Introduction: The Jewish Holocaust Against Palestine: Click Here
    Israel's Genocide in Gaza - A Photoessay - Part 1: Exerpts from the UN Special Report on Jewish Human Rights Violations in Palestine: Click Here
    Israel's Genocide in Gaza - A Photoessay - Part 2: A Report by Amnesty International on Operation "Cast Lead": Click Here
    Israel's Genocide in Gaza - A Photoessay - Part 3: A Report by Amnesty International on Operation "Cast Lead": Click Here
    Israel's Genocide in Gaza - A Photoessay - Part 4: A Report by Amnesty International on Operation "Cast Lead": Click Here
  • Additional Reading
  • As a companion piece to this Multi-Part article, you may care to read the 3-Part series titled: "Israel's War on Children".

    The documentation and disturbingly graphic photos of children shot in the head - deliberately - by Jewish soldiers, of small children burned to a crisp by white phosphorus munitions, are enough to sicken anyone with an ounce of humanity.

    Part 1: Israel's War on Children - Murdering Children for Sport:.

    Part 2: Israel's War on Children -Brutal Interrogation of Young Palestinians:.

    Part 3: Israel's War on Children -In Gaza, the Schools are Dying Too:.

  • Report by Human Rights Watch, December, 2010 (.pdf, 980K), titled
  • "Separate and Unequal: Israel’s Discriminatory Treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories".
  • DeSoto End of Mission Report (Intended to be Confidential: not for Public Distribution), May, 2007 (.pdf 5.9 Mb), titled
  • "UN Report on the Middle East Peace Process"
  • Report by UN Human Rights Council, December, 2008 (.pdf, 1.9 Mb), titled
  • "Operation "Jewish Violations of International Law on Gaza Ship Attack".
  • Jews are cutting, burning and uprooting Palestinian olive trees:
  • "Palestine's Harvest Horror":
  • 300,000 Jews control 89% of the water in the West Bank, leaving 11% for 2.5 million Palestinians.
  • "Without Water, There is No Life":